Byzantine historians, and historians on Byzantium’, in Burke, J. 25 M. Humphries, with D. M. Gwynn, ‘The sacred and the secular: the presence or absence of Christian religious thought in secular writing in the late antique west’, and Jeffreys, E., ‘Literary genre or religious apathy? Philip Rousseau notes other examples of this periodization in Can ‘late antiquity’ be saved?’, his contribution to the Marginalia Open Forum (as cited in n. 9 above), albeit without the determinedly eastern focus. £64.00, Jaś Elsner (Editor); Rachel Wood (Editor), H.A.G. Dialogues and Debates from Late Antiquity to Late Byzantium: Cameron, Averil, Gaul, Niels: Amazon.nl Selecteer uw cookievoorkeuren We gebruiken cookies en vergelijkbare tools om uw winkelervaring te verbeteren, onze services aan te bieden, te begrijpen hoe klanten onze services gebruiken zodat we verbeteringen kunnen aanbrengen, en om advertenties weer te geven. The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition (Cambridge 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and see Kaldellis, , Ethnography after Antiquity. But we must be careful that parts are not dropped altogether. Perceptions of the Body and Sacred Space in Late Antiquity and Byzantium seeks to reveal Christian understanding of the body and sacred space in the medieval Mediterranean. Yet Byzantium survived. The enormous emphasis currently placed on Maximus the Confessor as an important historical figure as well as a very major theologian is yet another indicator of this trend, much stimulated by the publication some years ago of a critical edition of the acts of the Lateran Synod of 649, which made clear the central role played by Maximus in this event, as well as the edition of a hostile Syriac Life of Maximus which, if reliable, changes existing views of Maximus in dramatic ways.Footnote 43 The crisis and division caused by seventh-century attempts to impose the doctrine that Christ had one will (Monothelitism) have been brought into sharper relief. The First Millennium Refocused, The Empire that Would Not Die. Kontingenzerfahrung und Kontingenzbewältigung im 6. It is true that the very term ‘Byzantium’ may still carry unfortunate overtones, but the answer is to rehabilitate it, not to avoid it, and to recognise that any other choice will also have its drawbacks. for this article. 2 This was also the start of another explosion: the emergence of late antique archaeology as a discipline, leading to its vast expansion and the enormous and ever-growing amount of material available today. with notes and an introduction, The Acts of the Council of Constantinople of 553: with Related Texts on the Three Chapters Controversy, 2 vols., Translated Texts for Historians 51 (Liverpool 2009); Sixth Council (681): M. Jankowiak and R. Price, trans. Now, in contrast, such a choice invites criticism for failing to include the great events of the early seventh century, including the emergence of Islam. with notes, The Acts of the Lateran Synod of 649, Translated Texts for Historians 61 (Liverpool 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Syriac Life of Maximus: Brock, S. P., ‘An early Syriac Life of Maximus the Confessor’, Analecta Bollandiana 91 (1973), 299–346CrossRefGoogle Scholar (though not accepted by all); see also Allen, P. and Neil, B. Among medieval Christian societies, Byzantium is unique in preserving an ecclesiastical ritual of adelphopoiesis, which pronounces two men as brothers. Cameron, Averil, Agathias (Oxford 1970)Google Scholar; ‘Early Byzantine Kaiserkritik: two case histories’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 3 (1977) 1–17. Meier, M., Das andere Zeitalter Justinians. (London 2011)Google Scholar, and in introductions to Byzantium, for example Cameron, Averil, The Byzantines (Oxford 2006)Google Scholar; Stathakopoulos, D., A Short History of the Byzantine Empire (London 2014)Google Scholar; Harris, J., The Lost World of Byzantium (New Haven 2016)Google Scholar. A conversation with Noel Lenski on "slave societies" and how the institution of slavery changed in Late Antiquity and Byzantium. 42 Chalcedon (AD 451): R. Price and M. Gaddis, trans. 649 celebratum, ed. From patristics to early Christian studies, The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies, The Cultural Turn in Late Ancient Studies. (ed. A History (Cambridge 2011), especially 782–87Google Scholar, and compare also the headings and arrangement of material in their earlier presentation of the sources: Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c. 680–850: The Sources, an Annotated Survey (Aldershot 2001); both books are written from a historical-materialist perspective. This move brings about its own further dynamics and responses. "metricsAbstractViews": false, (Paris 1992)Google Scholar and more recently Howard-Johnston, J., Witnesses to a World Crisis. } The concept of classicising history necessarily involves the question of genre, which I emphasized when writing of Procopius several decades ago, but this too is now subject to revisionism.Footnote 21 Anthony Kaldellis’ much-cited Procopius of Caesarea Footnote 22 also calls for a literary approach, though his is based on the old question of what the author ‘really’ believed. It still seemed natural in 2000 for the final additional volume of the new Cambridge Ancient History (note the title) to end at about the same date as A. H. M. Jones's Later Roman Empire,Footnote 7 that is, AD 600 as against 602 respectively, allowing both works to end with a flourish with the sixth century. A Cultural History of Bathing in Late Antiquity and Early Byzantium. Byzantium was colonized by the Greeks from … View our complete catalog of authoritative Late Antiquity & Byzantium related book titles and textbooks published by Routledge and CRC Press. Symeon and John of Emesa. 14 Though see Athanassiadi, P., Vers la pensée unique. Byzantium or Byzantion was an ancient Greek city in classical antiquity that became known as Constantinople in late antiquity and Istanbul today. Given the fraught nature of the subject of Islamic origins, not to mention that of the date of the Qur’an, it is hardly surprising if late antiquity is pressed into service for other ends. (Berlin 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J. Hahn, S. Emmel and U. Gotter (eds), From Temple to Church: Destruction and Renewal of Local Cultic Topography in Late Antiquity (2008); Sizgorich, T., Violence and Belief in Late Antiquity: Militant Devotion in Christianity and Islam (Philadelphia 2009)Google Scholar. ), Società Romana e Impero Tardoantico III. 2 Giardina, A., ‘Esplosione di tardoantico’, Studi Storici 40.1 (1999) 157–80Google Scholar, with discussion by Bowersock, G.W. ), Byzantine Culture, Papers from the Conference, Byzantine Days of Istanbul, May 21–23, 2010 (Ankara 2014) 45–57; see also Nilsson, I. and Scott, R., ‘Towards a new history of Byzantine literature: the case of historiography’, Classica et Mediaevalia 58 (2007) 319–32Google Scholar. Render date: 2021-01-15T14:51:32.754Z Religious unity was and remained a prime concern for emperors in the seventh century just as in the sixth, and as a result of this recent work we are in a far better position to understand the dynamics involved. 44 Theology is played down by Brubaker, L. and Haldon, J. F., Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c. 680–850. The associations of the term Byzantium can certainly still get in the way, and there are still genuine arguments to be made about periodization and definition, but these are more an internal matter within historiography than real issues. (Heidelberg 2014)Google Scholar, though see Van Nuffelen, ‘The wor(l)ds of Procopius’. A Social, Economic and Administrative Survey, 2 vols. In this case too the publications of recent years indicate new ways of looking at the seventh century that do not necessarily turn on whether it was ‘Byzantine’ or ‘late antique’ or late or east Roman, and which offer alternatives to the earlier emphasis on defeat and disaster.Footnote 39, Oddly enough, it might seem, given the unwillingness of many late antique scholars to confront theology and their corresponding wish to collapse religious issues into cultural history, theology and doctrinal issues feature prominently in these developments. Surveys and Excavations in the Pavllas River Valley, Albania, 1928-2015, Jacob of Sarug’s Homilies on the Six Days of Creation: The Sixth Day. École Pratique des Hautes Études-Sorbonne, 2013), and further discussion in Montinaro, ‘Power, taste and the outsider: Procopius and the Buildings revisited’, in Greatrex, G. and Elton, H. (eds), Shifting Genres in Late Antiquity (Farnham 2016) 191–206Google Scholar, in a section consisting of four papers under the title ‘Procopius and literature in the sixth-century eastern empire’. People and Power in New Rome, To narrate the events of the past. (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor (Oxford 2016)Google Scholar, containing in particular an important new chronology of the many works of Maximus and of his own movements, drawing on the Syriac Life, by M. Jankowiack and P. Booth, ‘A new date-list of the works of Maximus the Confessor’, The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor, 19–83; Booth, P., Crisis of Empire. So reads the troparion for the feast of SS. Full text views reflects PDF downloads, PDFs sent to Google Drive, Dropbox and Kindle and HTML full text views. The Paradox of East Roman Survival, c. 640–740 CE, The Carl Newell Jackson Lectures at Harvard, 2014, (Cambridge Mass. Part of the answer may be in the decline of narrative and political history that has prevailed in the last few decades, with its more synchronic as well as more cultural approach.Footnote 9 Nor has administrative history been much in vogue among English-speaking scholars,Footnote 10 though it should be noted that this has not been the case in Italy and elsewhere. ), Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices (Aldershot 2006)Google Scholar; Hahn, J., Gewalt und religiöser Konflikt : Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Christen, Heiden und Juden im Osten des Römischen Reiches (von Konstantin bis Theodosius II.) 24 See e.g. Advanced options. (ed. La montée de l’intolérance dans l’Antiquité tardive, Hellenism in Byzantium. "clr": true, "peerReview": true, Papers in Honour of Roger Scott (Melbourne 2006) 47–58Google Scholar. Doctrine and Dissent at the End of Antiquity, Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c. 680–850. Jewish Art in Late Antiquity and Early Byzantium. It seems clear that the overall problem has much to do with the ways in which academic disciplines work: few of those who work on late antiquity see Byzantium as relevant to them. In an interesting recent discussion Anthony Kaldellis argues against the current emphasis on discourse analysis: ‘Late antiquity dissolves’, in a Marginalia Forum on Late Antiquity and the Humanities (http://marginalia.lareviewofbooks.org/late-antiquity-and-the-new-humanities-an-open-forum/ Sept. 18, 2015). 6 Cameron, Averil, ‘Gibbon and Justinian’, in McKitterick, R. and Quinault, R. (eds), Edward Gibbon and Empire (Cambridge 1997) 34–52Google Scholar. In her book,… 10 Though see Kelly, C., Ruling the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge, Mass. It has been replaced for many by a closer consideration of the texts themselves and their internal dynamics. Vessey, M., in Burrus, V., Haines-Eitzen, K., Lim, R., Vessey, M. and Clark, E. A., review-discussion of E. A. Clark, History, Theory, Text. For a different take on Islam as late antique see al-Azmeh, A., The Emergence of Islam in Late Antiquity: Allah and his People (Cambridge 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. 41 Christians in the Sasanian empire: Becker, A. H., Fear of God and the Beginning of Wisdom: the School of Nisibis and Christian Scholastic Culture in Late Antique Mesopotamia (Philadelphia 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wood, P., ‘We have no King but Christ’: Christian Political Thought in Greater Syria on the Eve of the Arab Conquest (c.400–585) (Oxford 2011)Google Scholar; Wood, , The Chronicle of Seert: Christian Historical Imagination in Late Antique Iraq (Oxford 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the first time, John Hayes's Late Roman Pottery (1972) enabled reliable dating criteria for the ceramic evidence that became the foundation of a new understanding of trade and economic life.3 The UNESCO Save Carthage campaign, a landmark in the reliable recording of excavations of the late antique period, began in the following year, and since then the growth in data has been exponential. Of course patristic scholars and theologians have always continued to write on these subjects, but we can now see also a much greater willingness among some late antique and Byzantine historians to address what used to be considered highly specialist questions rather than ones that fall within the purview of general history. Johnson, S. F., (Oxford 2012), 1053–77Google Scholar; in terms of Qur’anic analysis a key scholar in this regard is Angelika Neuwirth, for instance see her Der Koran als Text der Spätantike: ein europäischer Zugang, 3rd ed. Whether there was a specifically ‘late antique aesthetic’ is also a current question.Footnote 23 Even if not — and behind such an assumption lurks the assumption of a contrasting ‘Byzantine aesthetic’ — a methodological approach to the writers of the sixth century based primarily on classical imitation and historical reliability will no longer serve, any more than an approach to the sixth century or other periods based only on what some call ‘traditional text-based history’. This lecture series is organized by Robert S. Nelson, Robert Lehman Professor in the History of Art, and Vasileios Marinis, Associate Professor of Christian Art and Architecture at the ISM and YDS. The presence or absence of theology and religious thought in secular writing in the late antique east, An Age of Saints? In contrast the nature of the late antique and early Byzantine economy has been well represented, for instance by Banaji, J., Agrarian Change in Late Antiquity. Power, Conflict and Dissent in Early Medieval Christianity(Leiden 2011)Google Scholar; Santo, M. Dal, Debating the Saints’ Cult in the Age of Gregory the Great (Oxford 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kaldellis, A., ‘The hagiography of doubt and scepticism’, in The Ashgate Research Companion to Byzantine Hagiography II: Genres and Contexts, ed. From Marcus Aurelius to Muhammad, Marx, Sherlock Holmes and late Roman commerce. 2003)Google Scholar. Thus religion in late antiquity is often now interpreted within the frame of cultural history,Footnote 24 while many historians look for evidence of questioning, indifference, scepticism and even atheism.Footnote 25 There is an obvious resonance here for the later centuries of Byzantium, commonly if uncritically believed to be an overwhelmingly orthodox and even theocratic society.Footnote 26 Similarly, the turn towards emphasizing religious violence for which Kaldellis calls in his contribution to the Marginalia open forumFootnote 27 has already happened.Footnote 28 Finally negative features in late antiquity are a theme addressed at length by Mischa Meier, in a counter to the ‘benign’ late antiquity of which some have complained.Footnote 29, Within or alongside this outpouring of publications on late antiquity we can detect another powerful trend, which I term the turn to the east, marked by enthusiasm for the complex culture of the eastern Mediterranean in the fifth to seventh centuries,Footnote 30 the incorporation of Syriac as well as Greek material and increasingly the tendency to bring early Islam into the late antique frame, aided in this narrative by the claim of an over-riding late antique monotheism and further complicated by the rising theme of ‘Abrahamic religions’.Footnote 31 The same trend is reflected in the work of some Islamicists, who are themselves presenting Islam as a religion of late antiquity.Footnote 32 The general turn to the east is also a product of the huge amount of archaeological material that has become available in the last generation, but in addition the new vigour that has manifested itself in Sasanian studies and late antique Judaism has fed into a rising interest in the Byzantine-Sasanian wars under Chosroes II and the events of the Persian conquest of Jerusalem and the Near East in the early seventh century.Footnote 33 From here it seems only a small and natural step to the incorporation of early Islam into the late antique world view.Footnote 34. 1975 seems light years away. "languageSwitch": true, Cities in Transition: Urbanism in Byzantium between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (AD 500-900): 2030: Zavagno, Luca: Amazon.nl 39 See Haldon, J. F., The Empire that Would Not Die. "lang": "en" A History of Europe from 400 to 1000(London 2009)Google Scholar or Sarris, P., Empires of Faith: The Fall of Rome to the Rise of Islam (Oxford 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, or Cameron, Averil, The Mediterranean World in Late Antiquity, c. 395–700, 2nd rev. Feature Flags: { It was a difficult time for Byzantium, faced with defeat, major military threats and economic loss. As the Roman empire declined and 'fell', contemporary glorification of the emperor's triumphal rulership reached new heights, strewing traces of the empire's perennial victory across the physical and mental landscape of late antiquity. The First Millennium Refocused (Princeton 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Le Merci, Gli Insediamenti ( Rome and Bari 1986 ) Google Scholar losses well. 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